We Didn’t need to drop the bomb and we knew we didn’t need to!12 Aug

The following article by Dennis Kucinich is a great review of the actual opinions of military leaders that puts American President Truman, Secretary of State Byrnes, and a host of other players of the “Great Game” in the spotlight of a great wrong done by the USA. Yet the American Legion and others were able to get the curator of the Smithsonian Museum fired for attempting to fix the record in 1995 (50th Anniversary of Hiroshima) when he created the Enola Gay exhibit. We could not face our own history–again.

by Dennis Kucinich
Seventy years ago this week, the United States ushered in the age of nuclear terror by dropping atomic bombs on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, killing an estimated 200,000 and injuring another 100,000 who would eventually succumb to their wounds or radiation poisoning. At the time, the American public was led to believe that the bomb helped end the war and “saved lives.” This was never true.

As commemorations occur around the world to reflect on the bomb and its centrality to our past and present lives, it is an appropriate time to ask, “Was the use of nuclear weapons against civilians necessary for victory in Japan?”

There is a trove of information revealing that many senior U.S. military officials believed the bombs were not needed to end the war in the Pacific. President Truman approved of Hiroshima and Nagasaki’s destruction, but many of the top-ranking brass, from Douglas MacArthur to Chester Nimitz, knew better.

Secretary of War Henry Stimson informed Dwight D. Eisenhower, general of the armies, that the bomb would be dropped on Japan. In “Mandate for Change,” Eisenhower’s autobiography, Ike related this exchange: “I voiced to him my grave misgivings, first on the basis of my belief that Japan was already defeated and that dropping the bomb was completely unnecessary, and secondly because I thought that our country should avoid shocking world opinion by the use of a weapon whose employment was, I thought, no longer mandatory as a measure to save American lives. It was my belief that Japan was, at that very moment, seeking some way to surrender with a minimum loss of ‘face.’”

There are many more such testimonials, if someone takes the time to look:

–“When I asked General MacArthur about the decision to drop the bomb, I was surprised to learn he had not even been consulted. What, I asked, would his advice have been? He replied that he saw no military justification for the dropping of the bomb. The war might have ended weeks earlier, he said, if the United States had agreed, as it later did anyway, to the retention of the institution of the Emperor.” That’s from “The Pathology of Power,” by Norman Cousins.

— “We didn’t need to do it, and we knew we didn’t need to do it, and they knew that we didn’t need to do it, we used them as an experiment for two atomic bombs.” That’s Brig. Gen. Carter Clarke, quoted in “The Decision to Use the Atomic Bomb,” by Gar Alperovitz.

–“The Japanese position was hopeless even before the first atomic bomb fell because the Japanese had lost control of their own air.”– Henry H. Arnold, commanding general of the U.S. Army Air Forces, Pacific Fleet.

–“The Japanese had, in fact, already sued for peace. The atomic bomb played no decisive part from a purely military point of view in the defeat of Japan. The use of atomic bombs at Hiroshima and Nagasaki was of no material assistance in our war against Japan. The Japanese were already defeated and ready to surrender.” – – Fleet Adm. Chester W. Nimitz, commander in chief of the U.S. Pacific Fleet.

–“Certainly, prior to 31 December 1945, and in all probability, prior to 1 November 1945, Japan would have surrendered even if atomic bombs had not been dropped.” — Adm. William D. Leahy, chief of staff to President Truman, in the U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey.

–“The war would have been over in two weeks without the Russians entering and without the atomic bomb. The atomic bomb had nothing to do with the end of the war at all.” –Maj. Gen. Curtis LeMay.

This is only a partial list I compiled in preparation for my efforts in Congress in 2012 to stop the creation of a national park in honor of the Manhattan Project, which created the bomb. (I held up the legislation for two sessions of Congress. The measure passed after I left the House.)

The dropping of the atomic bomb was not a military necessity, but a grim political calculation to dissuade our World War II ally, the Soviet Union, from global ambitions. A three-pronged Soviet army attack upon the Manchurian region that Japan controlled, with an army of a million and a half men, commenced two days after Hiroshima was destroyed. Japan’s army lasted through three more weeks. While a hot war ended, an ideological cold war emerged as a psychology of one-upmanship gripped political elites in both the U.S. and the Soviet Union, incubating new nuclear threats.

The use of nuclear weapons by the United States against Japan requires a new era of truth and reconciliation between our two nations and between America and the world. Today America is being fed another false narrative, for strictly political purposes, that Iran is preparing nuclear weapons.

The argument goes the U.S. must strike preemptively to stop Iran, notwithstanding a lack of evidence that Iran is developing the bomb. I gave countless presentations in debate in the House of Representatives warning of the consequences of threatening Iran with a military attack (and in some cases unleashing our nuclear weapons against Iran) and urged diplomatic resolution.

The Obama administration, led by Secretary Kerry, has crafted an agreement with Iran that sets the stage for an era of cooperation in nuclear threat reduction. Will America take a new direction? Or will we continue to be held captive by our own history and our own limited politics?

In 1945, the lives of hundreds of thousands of Japanese were sacrificed to American geo-politics and the use by our political leaders of the ultimate weapon of mass destruction. Beginning in 2003, the lives of hundreds of thousands of Iraqis, and many of our soldiers, were sacrificed to American politics over a phony threat of WMD. In 2012, the lives of thousands of Libyans were sacrificed to American politics and a false narrative of “responsibility to protect” and “humanitarian intervention.” The decision to attack Libya brought increased destabilization and spawned the growth of terrorism.

If the past 70 years have taught us anything it is that when it comes to our politics, truth gets buried so deeply and for so long that when it is finally exhumed few recognize it. It is time we start asking some hard questions about our own history as a nation, about the choices our leaders made and continue to make in our name, and whether those choices have made or will make the world safer or more dangerous.


Peace Train 70th Anniversary of Hiroshima/Nagasaki bombings02 Aug

Peace Train July 24, 2015


On a sparkling August morning 70 years ago August 6, the U.S. dropped a nuclear bomb on Hiroshima and three days later, on Nagasaki. By the end of that year it is estimated that 220,000 people had died as a result of the bombs.

The nuclear establishment has become a lethal facet of the U.S .national character. Mighty laboratories, handsomely paid scientists and engineers, thousands of people working in the Department of Energy’s nuclear complex spread poisonously across the U.S. comprise a major aspect of U.S. and world economies.

The entire nuclear cycle, from uranium mining, to weapons production, to war, damages the health and life of people and the planet. It’s all lethal.

Rocky Flats, eight miles south of Boulder produced 70,000 plutonium pits. They are the central core of every nuclear weapon in the U.S. arsenal. The site has been cleaned only to a cleanup level of 50 picocuries of plutonium per gram of soil in the top three feet of soil and much more the deeper you go. It will blow in the winds and drain through the streams and aquifers essentially forever, brought to the surface by millions of burrowing animals and insects and can be lethal if breathed in.

People of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and nuclear activists worldwide are trying to warn the world about the unimaginable terror and death rained on these cities and the unending aftermath. To remind modern societies of the deadly industry the world is balanced on precariously, people of conscience world wide are creating ways to mourn and re-inspire resistance to nuclear advances happening across the world.

At the Farmers’ Market on Saturday, August 1, the Rocky Mountain Peace and Justice Center will host the first of many area remembrances. There will be large photographs from the bombed cities, paper cranes to make, people to talk with about all things nuclear. It will be close to the intersection of Canyon Blvd. And 13th Street in Boulder, 9:00 AM to 2:00 PM.

Sunday, August 2, 7:00 to 9:00 PM there will be a Peace Concert filled with music and a myriad of

unique expressions of remembrance and resistance; it is a joint effort of the Peace Center and the Boulder Valley Unitarian Universalist Fellowship and will be held at the Fellowship Hall, 1241 Ceres Drive, Lafayette.

See the website for more events.



Review of Nagasaki: Life After Nuclear War by Susan Southard
New York Times Book Review — August 2, 2015
By Ian Buruma

There are good reasons for writing a book about the atom bombing of Nagasaki and its agonizing aftermath. Most people have heard of Hiroshima. The second bomb — dropped by an Irish-American pilot almost exactly above the largest Catholic church in Asia, which killed more than 70,000 civilians on the day and more in the long term — is less well known.

Susan Southard’s harrowing descriptions give us some idea of what it must have been like for people who were unlucky enough not to be killed instantly: “A woman who covered her eyes from the flash lowered her hands to find that the skin of her face had melted into her palms”; “Hundreds of field workers and others staggered by, moaning and crying. Some were missing body parts, and others were so badly burned that even though they were naked, Yoshida couldn’t tell if they were men or women. He saw one person whose eyeballs hung down his face, the sockets empty.”

Gen. Leslie Groves, the director of the Manhattan Project, which had developed the atom bomb, testified before the United States Senate that death from high-dose radiation was “without undue suffering,” and indeed “a very pleasant way to die.”

Many survivors died later, always very unpleasantly, of radiation sickness. Their hair would fall out, they would be covered in purple spots, their skin would rot. And those who survived the first wave of sickness after the war had a much higher than average chance of dying of leukemia or other cancers even decades later.

What made things worse for Japanese doctors who tried to ease the suffering of atom-bomb victims is that information about the bomb and its effects was censored by the American administration occupying Japan until the early 1950s. Even as readers here were shocked in 1946 by John Hersey’s description of the Hiroshima bomb in The New Yorker, the ensuing book was banned in Japan. Films and photographs of the destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, as well as medical data, were confiscated by American authorities.

The strength of Southard’s book is that her account is remarkably free of abstractions. She is a theater director, albeit one with an M.F.A. in creative writing, and her interest in the story began in 1986, when she was hired as a translator for one of her subjects who was on a speaking tour in the United States. Instead of statistics, she concentrates, like Hersey, on the fates of individuals. We read about Wada Koichi, an 18-year-old student worker for the municipal streetcar company, as well as a 16-year-old schoolgirl named Nagano Etsuko, another teenage girl named Do-oh Mineko, a 13-year-old boy named Yoshida Katsuji, and several others.

They were so badly disfigured by the blast that it not only took them years to recover some kind of health, but they were also hesitant to reveal themselves in public. Children would cry or run away from them, thinking they were monsters. Younger survivors were often bullied at school. Atom-bomb victims (hibakusha) found it hard to find marriage partners, because people were afraid of passing genetic diseases to their offspring.

The only reason we know about the people described by Southard is that all of them overcame their deep embarrassment and “came out,” as it were, as kataribe, or “storytellers” about the atom bomb, reminding people of the horrors of nuclear war by speaking in public, at schools, conferences and peace gatherings all over the world.

Without excusing Japanese wartime behavior, Southard writes with compassion about Japanese victims, and measured indignation about postwar American evasions and hypocrisy. Although her lack of theory and abstraction is a blessing, she might have analyzed the politics of discrimination, as well as the nuclear issue in Japan, a bit more closely.

Hibakusha were not just ostracized because of their grotesque scars. It so happened that the epicenter of the bomb was over an area called Urakami, which was inhabited not only by a large number of Christians, but also by traditional outcasts, or burakumin, the people who did jobs that were polluted in Buddhist eyes: jobs that had to do with death, like those in the meat or leather industries.

As a consequence, the borderlines between hibakusha and burakumin became blurred. Christians, too, although not outcasts, had been persecuted, even after religious freedom was granted in the late 19th century, because of their suspected lack of patriotism. It was often assumed that they would be more loyal to the Vatican than to the Japanese emperor.

And yet the most celebrated victim of the bomb was a young man named Nagai Takashi, a Christian physician who wrote “The Bells of Nagasaki” in 1949, before dying a few years later. Dr. Nagai, also known as “the saint of Urakami,” regarded the bombing in terms of Christian martyrdom: Nagasaki was sacrificed to pay for the sins of war.

The subjects of Southard’s book did not see their suffering in this light. But there is something evangelical about the kataribe’s mission of peace. Wada, Do-oh, Yoshida and the others found a meaning in their lives by spreading the word about the evil of nuclear bombs. World peace became something like a religious mantra. One has to feel sympathy for this. Their suffering ought not to be forgotten, and neither should the horrendous effects of such cruel and destructive weapons. What could be unleashed on cities today would be immensely more devastating than the bombs that obliterated much of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

Nonetheless, preaching world peace and expressing moral condemnation of nuclear bombs as an absolute evil are not a sufficient response to the dangers facing mankind. For even though the kataribe of Nagasaki, and their sympathetic American interlocutor, are driven by human rather than political concerns, the peace movement they promote was politicized from the beginning.

Southard mentions Nagasaki Peace Park, for example, with its many monuments to world peace. The park was established in 1955. Many of the monuments donated by foreign countries were from such places as the Soviet Union, Poland, Cuba, the People’s Republic of China and East Germany. The peace movement was at least partly a propaganda tool in the Cold War. That killing a massive number of civilians with a radiating bomb is an act of barbarism is hard to refute. Whether the world would have been a safer place on the terms of the Soviet Union and its satellites is less clear.

Domestically, too, Japanese anti­nuclear and peace organizations were manipulated by political interests, conservative as well as leftist. Right-wing nationalists like to cancel out the history of Japanese atrocities (which they often deny anyway) by claiming that Hiroshima and Nagasaki were far worse. Left-wing pacifism has often been just as anti-American, but from the opposite political perspective.

Since Southard set out to concentrate on individual lives, rather than politics, one cannot really blame her for dodging these complications, but when she does mention them she can be oddly off beam.

In 1990, Motoshima Hiroshi, the Christian mayor of Nagasaki, was shot in the back by a right-wing extremist for publicly holding the Japanese emperor partly responsible for the war. Southard explains that Motoshima “broke a cultural taboo.”

In fact, Motoshima was courageously challenging a right-wing political goal, which is to strengthen the imperial institution, and undo some of the postwar liberal reforms, including pacifism. Southard says these reforms were “forced on Japan by an occupying nation,” which is also what right-wing nationalists claim, I think wrongly. Most Japanese were happy to enjoy their new freedoms. They didn’t have to be forced, for they cooperated quite willingly with the Americans who helped instigate them.

Still, the merits of Southard’s book are clear. It was bad enough for the Americans to have killed so many people, and then hide the gruesome facts for many years after the war. To forget about the massacre now would be an added insult to the victims. Southard has helped to make sure that this will not happen yet.

NAGASAKI: Life After Nuclear War
By Susan Southard
Illustrated. 389 pp. Viking. $28.95.

Ian Buruma teaches at Bard College. His latest book is “Theater of Cruelty: Art, Film, and the Shadows of War.”


It’s Time to Ban the Bomb–Hans Blix01 Aug

It’s Time to Ban the Bomb

STOCKHOLM – The nuclear agreement between Iran, the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council plus Germany, and the EU, comes at a historically propitious moment. Seventy years ago next month, the nuclear bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki opened the darkest chapter in the long history of humanity’s wartime horrors. Fire, bullets, and bayonets were now joined by nuclear radiation – a silent, invisible killer like gas and biological agents.



<<>>29 Jul

By Gary G. Kohls, MD

August 6, 2015, is the 70th anniversary of the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, a civilian city that had minimal military value, despite the claims of President Truman when he announced the event to the American people.

The whole truth of what the Nuremburg tribunal would later help define as an international war crime and a crime against humanity has been heavily censored and mythologized ever since war-weary Americans in 1945 accepted the propaganda that the bombings were necessary to shorten the war and prevent the loss of a million US soldiers during the allegedly planned November 1945 invasion.

Of course, the reason that the United States wasn’t sanctioned like Germany was for the Jewish holocaust was that America was the victor and the occupier and thus it was in charge of making and enforcing the rules in the New World Order.

The United States military ambushed the equally defenseless Nagasaki City three days later with the second atomic bomb to ever be used against a civilian population (that no longer had any military value to Japan). “Fat Man”, the plutonium bomb named after Winston Churchill, was detonated before the Japanese leadership fully understood what had happened at Hiroshima.


My high school history teachers all seemed to be ex-jocks who weren’t athletically talented enough to make it to the majors. The main chance for them to continue playing games for pay was to join the teaching profession and coach high school athletics. American history was of secondary importance in many small town high schools but it hardly made the list of interests for coaches, who reluctantly accepted the job; and so my classmates and I “learned” our lessons from some very uninspired, very bored and/or very uninformed teachers who would rather have been on the playing field.

In my coach’s defense, the history books that they had to teach from had been highly censored in order to promote patriotism; and so we “learned” that most everything that the “noble” British colonizers and “honorable” US empire builders ever did in the history of warfare was self-sacrificing, democracy-promoting and Christianizing – and that everything their freedom-seeking, revolutionary colonial victims did was barbaric, atheistic and evil. Anybody who resisted colonial oppressors was treated as a terrorist.

It was from these history books that we learned about the “glorious” end of the war against Japan via nuclear incineration. Everybody in my high school, including myself, swallowed the post-war propaganda hook, line and sinker.

<<<50,000 American soldiers deserted or went AWOL during WWII>>>

Of course, I now realize that my classmates and I, just like most other Americans (including the volunteer or conscripted members of the military), have been naïve victims of “lies our history teachers taught us”. In their defense, those teachers had been misled in their own schooling by equally mis-informed teachers who got their information from a variety of dis-informers who wrote the books: and those authors were the war- and empire-justifying militarists and assorted uber-patriotic pseudo-historians who had been duped into believing the myth of American exceptionalism.

Not included in that group of true believers were the 50,000 WWII American soldier-members of the “Greatest Generation” who, in many cases, logically and understandably deserted or went AWOL during their war service, a reality that has been conveniently censored out of our consciousness.


One of General Douglas MacArthur’s first acts after taking over as Viceroy of Japan was to confiscate or otherwise destroy all the photographic evidence documenting the horrors of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. He imposed total censorship over journalists who wanted to report to the world about what had really happened at Ground Zero, again proving the old adage that “the first casualty of war is truth”. Embedding journalists in the US military so that only America-friendly reportage happened wasn’t the original idea of General Stormin’ Norman Schwarzkopf in Gulf War I.

Back in 1995, the Smithsonian Institution was preparing to correct some of the 50-year-old pseudo-patriotic myths about the Pacific War by staging an honest, historically-accurate display dealing with the atomic bombings from the Japanese civilian perspective.

Swift, vehement and well-orchestrated condemnations directed at the Smithsonian historian’s plans to tell unwelcome truths about war came from right-wing pro-war veterans organizations, the GOP-dominated Congress at the time, and other militarist groups (such as Newt Gingrich’s paymaster Lockheed Martin, one of many war-profiteering merchants-of-death multinationals whose profits and products depend on Congressional and Pentagon largesse). Gingrich actually threatened to stop federal funding of the Smithsonian, thus forcing it to censor-out all of the contextually important parts of the real story. And so the pseudo-patriotic myths about Hiroshima and Nagasaki continue to be preserved to this very day.


We historically-illiterate Americans are blocked, again and again, from learning historical truths about the American Empire – and the control that the military and multinational corporations have over it. Anything that might shake voter confidence in – or incite grassroots revolution against – the unelected ruling elites, the Pentagon or the conscienceless transnational corporations (that control our two major party politicians, the mainstream media and the “invisible hand of the market”) is verboten.

The Smithsonian historians did have a gun to their heads, of course, but in the melee, we voters failed to learn an important historical point, and that is this: the war in the Pacific could have ended in the spring of 1945 without the need for the August atomic bombings, and therefore there might have been no Okinawa bloodbath that senselessly doomed thousands of American Marines.

And there would have been no need for an American land invasion of Japan in November. Indeed, in the 1980s, released top secret records revealed that the contingency plans for a large-scale US invasion (planned for no sooner than November 1, 1945) would have been unnecessary.

To the victors go the spoils, and the American victors were the ones running the war crimes tribunals and thus also determined the content of my history text books.


American intelligence agencies, with the full knowledge of President Roosevelt’s and President Truman’s administrations, were fully aware of Japan’s search for ways to honorably surrender months before Truman gave the fateful order to incinerate Hiroshima.

Japan was working on peace negotiations through its ambassador in Moscow as early as April of 1945, with surrender feelers from Japan occurring as far back as 1944. Truman knew of these developments because the US had broken the Japanese code even before Pearl Harbor, and all of Japan’s military and diplomatic messages were being intercepted. On July 13, 1945, Foreign Minister Togo wrote: “Unconditional surrender (giving up all sovereignty, including the deposing of Emperor Hirohito) is the only obstacle to peace.”

Truman’s advisors knew about these efforts, and the war could have ended through diplomacy by simply conceding a post-war figurehead position for the emperor (who was regarded as a deity in Japan). That reasonable concession was – seemingly illogically – refused by the US in their demands for unconditional surrender, which was first demanded at the 1943 Casablanca Conference between Roosevelt and Churchill and then reiterated at the Potsdam Conference between Truman, Churchill and Stalin. Still, the Japanese continued searching for an honorable peace through negotiations.

Even Secretary of War Henry Stimson said: “the true question was not whether surrender could have been achieved without the use of the bomb but whether a different diplomatic and military course would have led to an earlier surrender. A large segment of the Japanese cabinet was ready in the spring of 1945 to accept substantially the same terms as those finally agreed on.” In other words, Stimson knew that the US could have ended the war before Hiroshima.


After Japan officially surrendered on August 15, 1945, MacArthur allowed the emperor to remain in place as spiritual head of Japan, the very condition that forced the Japanese leadership to refuse to accept the earlier, humiliating, “unconditional surrender” terms.

So the two essential questions that need answering in order to comprehend what was going on behind the scenes are these: 1) Why did the US refuse to accept Japan’s only demand concerning its surrender (the retention of the emperor) and 2) why were the atomic bombs used when victory in the Pacific was assured?


There are a number of factors that contributed to the Truman administration’s fateful decision to use the atomic bombs.

1) Investment. The US had made a huge investment in time, mind and money (a massive 2 billion in 1940 dollars) to produce three bombs, and there was no inclination – and no guts – to stop the momentum.

2) Revenge. The US military and political leadership – as did many ordinary Americans – had a tremendous appetite for revenge because of the Pearl Harbor “surprise” attack. Mercy wasn’t in the mindset of the US military, the war-weary populace or even of average American Christians and their churches. The missions against Hiroshima and Nagasaki were accepted as necessary, with no questions asked, by most of those folks who only knew the sanitized, national security state version of events. Most Americans wanted to believe the cunningly-orchestrated propaganda.

3) A “use it or lose it” mentality and scientific curiosity. The fissionable material in Hiroshima’s bomb was uranium. The Trinity test bomb (exploded on July 16, 1945) and the Nagasaki bomb were plutonium bombs. Scientific curiosity was a significant factor that pushed the project to its deadly completion. The Manhattan Project leaders were curious. “What would happen if a city was leveled by a single uranium bomb?” “What would happen if plutonium was used?” Now that the war against Nazi Germany (the original intended target) was over, the most conscientious scientists felt that the bombs should not be used against civilian targets.

4) “Orders are orders”. Actually, the military decision to drop both bombs had been made well in advance of August 1945. Accepting the surrender of Japan prior to their use was not an option if the experiment was to go ahead. It should be obvious to anybody that the three-day interval between the two bombs was unconscionably short if the purpose of the first bomb was to force immediate surrender. Japan’s communications and transportation capabilities were in shambles, and no one, neither the US military nor the Japanese high command, fully understood what had happened at Hiroshima. (It is a fascinating fact that the Manhattan Project had been so top secret that even MacArthur, commanding general of the entire Pacific theatre, had been kept out of the loop – until July 1)

5) The Russians. Stalin had proclaimed his intent to enter the war with Japan 90 days after V-E Day (Victory in Europe Day, May 8, 1945), which would have been two days after Hiroshima was bombed. Indeed, Russia did declare war on Japan on August 8 and was advancing eastward across Manchuria when Nagasaki City, the center of Japanese Christianity, was incinerated.

Certainly Russia was still feeling the sting of humiliating defeat and the loss of territory from the disastrous Russo-Japanese War of 1905 when they were beaten by upstart Japan. Elephants and ego-bloated nation-states have long memories, especially when they lose an argument, lose a fight or are embarrassed in public. Witness the 150 year old enduring promise from segregationist devotees of the Confederate flag like Dylan Roof, the KKK, and the White Citizen’s Councils that “The South Will Rise Again”; or consider the rabid right-wing, sociopathic NeoNazis all around the world in their devotion to Adolf Hitler and their symbol of fascism, the Swastika.

The US didn’t want Japan surrendering to Russia and thus sharing the spoils of war. Russia was soon to be one of only two world superpowers – and therefore a future enemy of the United States. So the first “messages” of the Cold War were sent by the US to the USSR on August 6 and 9, 1945: “Stalin, stay away from Japan’s carcass. We own it. And besides, we have the bomb.”

Russia didn’t receive the spoils of the Pacific War that they had anticipated, and the two superpowers were instantly mired in the multi-trillion dollar stalemated nuclear arms race and the multitude of proxy wars that regularly risked the total extinction of humanity. What also happened along the way was the moral bankruptcy of both of the paranoid super-power nations that insisted on fighting the stupid cold war, a war that was fueled by war-profiteering corporations and borrow and spend economics.


An estimated 80,000 innocent civilians, plus 20,000 weaponless young Japanese conscripts died instantly in the Hiroshima bombing raid. Hundreds of thousands more suffered slow deaths and disabilities from agonizing burns, radiation sickness, leukemia, anemia, thrombocytopenia and untreatable infections. The Japanese survivors and their progeny suffered a fate similar to the survivors and progeny of America’s “Atomic Soldiers”. (Atomic Soldiers were those soldiers who were exposed, in the line of duty, to the hundreds of nuclear tests in the 50s and 60s or to the depleted uranium that the US military used in the two Gulf Wars.) Each of those groups were afflicted with horrible radiation-induced illnesses, congenital anomalies, genetic mutations, immune deficiencies, cancers and premature deaths, still going on to this very minute.

(Another shameful reality that has been covered up is the fact that 12 American Navy pilots, their existence well known to the US command prior to the bombing, were instantly incinerated in the Hiroshima jail on that fateful day.)


So the official War Department-approved, highly censored version of the end of the war in the Pacific was added to an ever-lengthening list of myths that we Americans have been continuously fed by our corporate-controlled military, political and media opinion leaders. In the process, the gruesomeness and cruelty of war has been cunningly propagandized so that we consumers of information see only the glorification of American militarism.

Among the other censored out realities include what really happened in the US military’s participation in the destabilize-and-conquer campaigns and coups d’etat in Ukraine, Honduras, Venezuela, Libya, and bloody invasions and/or occupations of Korea, Iran, Viet Nam, Laos, Cambodia, Lebanon, Granada, Panama, the Philippines, Chile, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Haiti, Colombia, Kuwait, Iraq, Afghanistan, etc, etc. This list doesn’t necessarily cover the uncountable secret Pentagon/CIA covert operations and assassination plots in the rest of the world, where some 150 “sovereign” nations have been coerced into allowing the building of American military bases (permission lavishly paid for by bribes or threats of economic or military sanctions).

But somehow most of us still hang on to our shaky “my country right or wrong” patriotism, desperately wanting to believe the cunningly-orchestrated myths that say that the war-profiteering corporate elite (and the politicians, military leaders and media talking heads who are in their employ) only work for peace, justice, equality, liberty and “making the world safe”, not for democracy, but for predatory capitalism.

While it is true that the US military has faced down the occasional despot, with necessary sacrifice from dead and incurably-wounded (in body, mind and spirit) American soldiers and veterans, more often than not the rationalizations for going to war are the same as those of the “godless communists”, the anti-American “insurgents” and “freedom fighters” who just want us Yankees to go home where we belong.

August 6 and 9, 1945 are just two more examples of the brain-washing that goes on in all “total war” political agendas, which are consistently accompanied by the inevitable human death and destruction that is euphemistically labeled “splendid slaughter”, “collateral damage” or “friendly fire”.


It might already be too late to rescue and resuscitate the (mythical?) moribund humanitarian, peacemaking America that we used to know and love. It might be too late to effectively confront the corporate hijacking of liberal democracy in America. It might be too late to successfully bring down the arrogant and greedy ruling elites who are selfishly dragging our planet down the road to destruction. The rolling coups d’etat orchestrated by the profiteers of what I call Friendly American Fascism may have already accomplished its goals.

But I suppose there is always hope. Rather than being silent about the destabilizing conflicts that the war-mongers are provoking all over the planet (with the very willing assistance of Wall Street, the Pentagon, the weapons industries and their lapdogs in Congress), people of conscience need to start learning the whole truth of history, despite the psychological discomfort that they may feel (cognitive dissonance) when the lies that they had been led to believe can’t be believed any more. We need to start owning up to America’s uncountable war crimes that have been orchestrated in our names.

And so the whistle-blowers among us need to rise up in dissent, go to the streets in protest and courageously refuse to cooperate with those sociopathic personalities that have gradually transformed America into a criminal rogue state. Like Nazi Germany or Fascist Japan, rogue nations throughout history have been eventually targeted for downfall by its billions of angry, fed-up, suffering victims who live both inside and outside its borders. That fate awaits America unless its leaders confesses their sins, honestly ask for forgiveness and truly promise to join the peace-loving human race.

Doing what is right for the whole of humanity for a change, rather than just doing what is profitable or advantageous for our over-privileged, over-consumptive, toxic and unsustainable American way of life, would be real honor, real patriotism and an essential start toward real peace.


Commemoration of Trinity Atomic Bomb Test Will Be Held Saturday, July 18th at the Tularosa Little League Field at 8 pm16 Jul

· Commemoration of Trinity Atomic Bomb Test Held Saturday, July 18th at the Tularosa Little League Field at 8 pm

In the early morning of July 16, 1945, the U.S. government dropped the first atomic bomb from a 100-foot metal structure in the south central desert of New Mexico, called Jornada del Muerto, or Journey of Death. In the massive explosion, the radiation and toxic materials rose an estimated 70,000 feet and began to fall back to earth in what many thought was snow. The kids played in it, the cattle and vegetable gardens were covered in it, and later that night when it rained, the water cisterns were contaminated with radioactive and toxic particles.

The innocent people of the Tularosa Basin were not informed beforehand and were not evacuated after the test, even though the exposures were at least 10,000 times higher than the safe radiation levels of the time. Cancer rates in the Tularosa Basin are four to eight times higher than the national average. For more information, please see Chapter 10 “The Trinity Test” of the 2010 Los Alamos Historical Document Retrieval and Assessment Report at

Anniversary of the First Nuclear Test: Investigate the Fallout and Downwinders

Transcript of radio commentary that aired July 15, 2003 on KUNM public radio 89.9 fm in Albuquerque. Link to audio at end of page.

By Arjun Makhijani

The age of nuclear shock and awe was born fifty eight years ago. On July 16, 1945, the desert dawn of New Mexico was greeted with the blinding, awful flash of an atomic blast. It is often celebrated as a moment of great accomplishment. The town of Los Alamos, where the bomb was designed and built, has a street named Trinity, not after the well-known holy trio, but after the nuclear explosion that day, which had a heart of plutonium.

Robert Oppenheimer, the scientific director of the bomb project, thought that he was seeing a “destroyer of worlds.” But still, the damage that was inflicted that day on the land and the people of New Mexico still remains practically unknown.

Colonel Stafford L. Warren, the radiological safety director for the test, set out to survey the fallout soon after it. He found a radiological disaster: “[T]he dust outfall from various portions of the [radioactive] cloud was potentially a very dangerous hazard over a band almost 30 miles wide extending almost 90 miles northeast of the site.”

There were many communities in the path of that hazard, including the Mescalero reservation. While he dutifully reported that no one was exposed to “a dangerous amount of radiation,” Col. Warren also estimated that some people received external radiation doses up 60 rad over two weeks. That’s equivalent to thousands of chest X-rays. Radioactive dust from the test was still lingering in the air four days later, as far as 200 miles from ground zero.

There has never been a serious investigation of what that fallout did to people, especially children and pregnant women in its path. What happened to them? There are troubling indications, but we do not we do not know definitively.

General Groves, who headed up the Manhattan Project, had already expressed fears of legal liability well before the test. The concerns of two insightful physicists, John Magee and Joseph Hirshfelder, who feared that the fallout may extend far from the test site, were set aside.

The U.S. government has failed in its responsibilities to the affected people. It is time for the State of New Mexico to take up the question. Governor Richardson, when he was Energy Secretary in Washington, showed historic leadership by advocating for compensation for nuclear weapons workers who were put in harm’s way during the Cold War. I urge him to show the same compassion for the downwinders created by the very first atomic blast in his own state. He might use its fifty-eighth anniversary to announce the formation of a state-led public commission to investigate its health effects.

You can find Col. Stafford Warren’s radiological survey and his memo of July 21, 1945, on the web site of the Institute for Energy and Environmental Research, This is Arjun Makhijani.


Rep. Thornberry: Increase U.S. Defense Spending to Counter Russian Nuke Modernization25 Jun

Who started this Nuke Modernization and who is “Countering”??? The answer is that the US did and we have been fighting against the funding (maybe as high as a Trillion in spending through 2030.

Subject: RE: Rep. Thornberry: Increase U.S. Defense Spending to Counter Russian Nuke Modernization
From: Hans Kristensen

It’s a funny thing, even with a numerical advantage of 270 deployed strategic launchers more than Russia, one-third more nuclear warheads deployed than needed to meet national and international security commitments, full-scale production of W76-1 warheads, a decade-and-a-half overhaul of the Minuteman III ICBM force, development of the B61-12 guided nuclear bomb for six different US and allied tactical and strategic aircraft, development of the W80-4 cruise missile warhead, development of the Ohio-class replacement SSBN, development of a life-extended version of the Trident II D5 sea-launched ballistic missile (the most reliable nuclear ballistic missile ever), development of the next-generation bomber, and development and deployment of advanced conventional precision weapons, the US still somehow comes out short.

About that 10-to-1 advantage in tactical warheads; as far as I recall, it was the US military that didn’t want their “9†and unilaterally retired them. I doubt neither the Navy nor the Army would want a new tactical nuke even if Thornberry somehow found the money.

And just to remind of the extensive modernization and maintenance of US nuclear forces over the past two and a half decades:

Defense hawks in Washington and Moscow have become strange bedfellows in reviving a dangerous Cold War-like mindset.



Energy Department Announces New Red Team to Review Plutonium Disposition25 Jun

How many times over how many can plutonium disposition be studied? The program is 20 years old and the prognosis for MOX gets worse and worse. Will yet more delay by Senator Graham to try and save the day? I’m afraid that this Red Team report could be a whitewash but I bet it won’t fully answer a key question: how can a program getting $345 million/year but needing $1 billion/year over the next 2+ decades survive? (TCC Commet)

Press Release
News Media Contact: (202) 586-4940
For Immediate Release: Thursday, June 25, 2015

Energy Department Announces New Red Team to Review Plutonium Disposition

WASHINGTON, DC – Today, the U.S. Department of Energy announced the creation of the Plutonium Disposition Program Red Team to review plutonium disposition options and make recommendations.

Led by Dr. Thom Mason, Director of Oak Ridge National Laboratory, this team will provide an assessment of options to help the U.S. achieve its commitment to dispose of 34 metric tons of surplus weapon-grade plutonium and provide a recommended path forward.
The assessment will address the MOX fuel approach, the downblending and disposal approach, and any other approaches that the team deems feasible and cost effective, taking into account cost, regulatory or other issues associated with a particular approach. The Red Team will provide its recommendations to the Secretary of Energy in August 2015.

Dr. Mason led a similar effort reviewing options to replace uranium capabilities at the Y-12 National Security Complex in Oak Ridge, Tennessee, in 2014.


Nuclear Saber Rattling vs. Demonizing Putin23 Jun

Alic Slater is New York director of the “Nuclear Age Peace Foundation” and sent this letter in response to NYTimes accusation that Putin is playing the bully by irresponsible nuclear weapons brandishment. Really a good letter–will they publish it.

June 22, 2015
Re: The Fantasy Mr. Putin is Selling

It’s astonishing that you express alarm at “Mr. Putin’s willingness to brandish nuclear weapons ” despite your reports that Obama is projecting a nuclear weapons budget of one trillion dollars over the next 30 years for new bomb factories, delivery systems and nuclear bombs.. To understand how we reached this sorry state, it must be remembered that in 2002 the US walked out of the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty with Russia and proceeded to build new missile bases in Poland, Turkey and Romania despite Kennedy’s agreement with Khruschev that in return for his removing Soviet missiles from Cuba, we would take our US missiles out of Turkey which are now back in Turkey along with almost 300 nuclear bombs stationed at NATO bases in German, Belgium, Turkey, Netherlands and Italy. There is no shortage of aggressive behavior from both countries, starting with US military maneuvers on Russia’s borders in NATO countries, a holdover from a rusty cold war alliance, only serving to heat it up once again, and enrich all the arms manufacturers, ignoring President Eisenhower prescient farewell warning to guard against the military-industry complex, most recently brilliantly represented by our new Defense Secretary Ashton Carter, who has been careening through the revolving door between military contractors and government, and has never seen a weapons system he didn’t like and didn’t vigorously promote.

Alice Slater
446 E. 86 St.
New York, NY 10028
646-238-9000 (cell)


“Mission Accomplished” speech on the bass trombone02 Jun

Thursday, June 11, Trident Bookstore, 7:30 p.m.

Pictures and Conversations about the new photography book
James Crnkovich’s

Atomic America>

by James Crnkovich and Robert Del Tredici

Authors/Photographers will show pictures and read from the book

Felix Del Tredici will perform Bush’s Mission Accomplished speech
on the bass trombone


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